Author: Saadut
•11:06 PM

Amarjit Singh Dulat, an Indian Police Service from Rajasthan Cadre (1965), formerly served as special director of the (Indian) Intelligence Bureau and then as chief of Indian spy agency RAW (1999 to 2000). Post retirement he adjusted as ‘advisor on Kashmir’ in the Prime Minister’s Office (January 2001 to May 2004). As an experienced spy chief, Mr. Dulat knows the limitations of his revelations, the scope of his official NDA’s (non disclosure agreements) and the effect any such revelations may have on the policy of New Delhi upon the Jammu & Kashmir conflict.

And in ‘revealing’ all that he has written or spoken, Mr. Dulat must surely have measured and calibrated enough, to reach an aim on Kashmir, especially when he is a member of ‘National Security Advisory Board’. His aim could be a combination of psycho ops, dart in the blind and making a fast buck on the much thrashed print on Kashmir. Even while the ex spy chief would be privy to many inside stories and game plans on Kashmir, none of those facts are ever to come out for they would treat as breach of professionalism, nationalism and Chanakya’ism for an ex spy.

Still yet, as a Kashmiri layman, I will try to dissect his latest revelations:

Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee was against making Mufti Muhammad Sayeed the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir because of “grave doubts that his daughter Mehbooba Mufti had militant links.”

What role did Indian PM Vajpayee have in making Mufti Sayeed the CM, when the alliance was supposed to be between Congress & PDP? Does Mr. Dulat mean that the Indian PM has a veto to ‘choose’ who rules J&K, even when the electorate may have voted their political preferences?

Chief of Hizbul Mujahideen, Syed Salahuddin sought a favour from Intelligence Bureau (IB) that his son be given a medical seat in a college in Kashmir which was agreed to.

In 2000, Syed Salahudin’s son Syed Wahid was selected for MBBS with a merit rank of 92 thru CET (Common Entrance Test). Till he appeared for the examination and cleared it on his own merit not many would have even known that he is Syed Salahudin’s son. After being admitted in Medical College at Jammu, the only help he sought from authorities was to migrate to the Medical College in Kashmir, since he was facing life threats in Jammu. In such cases it is the duty of the state to ensure security, not any favor.
I have had the opportunity to interact with Wahid’s brother during an interview where I was part of the panel. The gentleman was unassumingly down to earth and capable, and we knew not about his family. I could see his merit working for him, not his name. And I am sure his other brothers are of the same hardworking, meritorious ilk. Dulat’s claim could have two reasons; to discredit Syed Salahudin and to show the largesse of India, even on separatists. But he fails on both counts. On the first count, whatever political ideals groups in Kashmir may have, all of them know the unflinching stance of Syed Salahudin. And on the second count, Dulat makes a joke of the Indian largesse in Kashmir by limiting it to a single medical seat. To shatter his Indian largesse delusion, the Indian army needs to forward a copy of the 500 crore Kashmir flood rescue bill to Mr Dulat.

‘Farooq – Delhi Deal’: Vajpayee wanted to make Farooq Abdullah as Vice President but reneged on the promise. “This was part of an idea Vajpayee had to make Omar Abdullah Chief Minister of Kashmir whilst making his father Farooq Vice President,”

Was this the Vajpayee solution to ‘The Kashmir problem’? If yes then what was the Agra summit for? Dulat’s claim that ‘Vajpayee had to make Omar Abdullah Chief Minister of Kashmir’ only verifies claims of election rigging in Kashmir. Dulat should have been brave enough to explain this further like others had done before.

‘It is widely believed that the elections of 1987 were rigged in favour of Mr Abdullah's party’. (BBC, 14 September, 2002)

‘The 1987 elections did not “appear to be rigged,” but were in fact rigged’. (D Suba Chandran, IPCS)

‘The manipulation of (1987) elections disappointed Kashmiris. They said “we were trying to change the political framework by democratic and peaceful methods, but we have failed in this. Therefore we should take up the gun” (Kashmir In Conflict; India Pakistan And The Unending War, Victoria Schofield).

And if 1987 was not enough of democratic fraud, the next election had a similar story. 'The Meadow' (Adrian Levy, Cathy Scott-Clark) describes how Farooq Adbullah & Rajesh Pilot used renegades and money to rig the elections of 1996 in Kashmir.

‘Governor Saxena calmed Farooq Abdulla’; Dulat recounted the “fury and anger” of Farooq Abdullah when he was informed that three militants had to be released as part of the IC 814 deal. He said “Farooq ventilated his anger for three hours and then stormed off to meet Governor Saxena intending to resign. However, Governor Saxena calmed him down over two glasses of whisky and Farooq, eventually, accepted the situation and agreed to the release of militants.”

According to Dulat, Farooq Abdulla agreed to free three militants over two glasses of whisky. Only proves how easy it was for New Delhi to control the ‘rulers’ of J&K for the past six decades. This then begs a question, what easy deal was offered (dare I say how many glasses) for signing the death warrant of Late Maqbool Bhat? And what was the deal New Delhi offered Omar to agree on the hanging of Late Afzal Guru?

Dulat says Mirwaiz Umar Farooq “lacks political courage”. “He is scared he could be killed, and scared of the ISI and Pakistan.”

Do Mirwaiz’s repeated efforts to resolve Kashmir by dialogue mean, lack of ‘political courage’? What kind of ‘political courage’ is Dulat talking about when India refuses to even start any meaningful talk to untangle the Kashmir issue? It’s India which lacks political will or courage by refusing to talk or let people speak, not Mirwaiz or other Hurriyat groups.
Dulat’s second contention is amateurish at best. After his father and uncle were killed by assailants, wouldn’t Mirwaiz have to be extra cautious for his personal safety? Not only was the state in know of the risks facing the Mirwaiz family, they seem to be unwilling to cover those risks. In such a scenario in Kashmir, it is not only the state that has to be feared but the non state and the deep state too. Since the deep state is the core of the state, hence the greatest risk in Kashmir comes from the state only.

‘Agra Summit’ : Dulat says that a meeting L K Advani had with Gen Musharraf the night before soured the atmosphere. “This is when Advani surprised Musharraf by asking for Dawood Ibrahim. This took Musharraf back and a shadow was cast thereafter on the Agra summit.”

Fact: The July 15th talks between Vajpayee and Musharraf culminated into the foreign ministers of India and Pakistan completing an accord by evening same day. The Pakistani delegation retired for the night believing that July 16th was going to be a big day on Kashmir. But on the same night of July 15th Advani asked to see the draft, following which RSS President Sudarshan had Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi (Minister for HR) take over and prepare a revised draft. By the next morning Vajpayee had been reduced to a spectator and Foreign Minister Jaswant Singh humiliated by his own staffer V. K. Katju (then JS in-charge Pakistan desk MEA) who refused to show him the revised draft document. As Major General Rashid Qureshi, DG Inter Services public relations later put it "The joint statement prepared by foreign ministers was changed three times by an unseen power".

The problem with Kashmir is not only that the same people responsible for igniting and fueling the insurgent rebellion of late 80’s & 90's are the ones who clung to power and decided our fate in the after years. Tragedy is also that India has not stopped its deep state control in Kashmir. The same people who have entrenched their aristocratic hold on its power structure, continue to lead a red flag herd to 'all'e karre waangan karr'e, Babb karr'e lo'lo' (Gourd or aubergine, whatever we are sold for, Bab (leader) may do whatever he pleases). And the likes of Dulat only try to be their advocates.
And over decades we were truly sold as cheap as gourd and aubergine.
The close to 80,000 innocent Kashmiris would have not lost their lives had the political treachery of six decades not robbed us of all our political and economic rights & that too with such brazen impunity.

Teg Munsif ho' jahaan daar-o-rasan ho'n Shaahid,
Begunaah kaun hai uss shehar mei'n qaatil ke siwaa.

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Author: Saadut
•11:22 PM

The wedding of Ashok Jaitley’s daughter was held in March 2001 (I think 30th) at Kashmir house, which he got specially prepared for this wedding. Aditi Jaitely was the daughter of Ashok and Jaya Jaitley, who had got divorced in 80’s. Jaya later became associated with Samta Party of Geoege Fernandes, also working with marginal artisans and workers at the grassroots level. Aditi was to marry cricketer Ajay Jadeja, who had been earlier disgraced in a match fixing scandal.

I knew George Fernandes from my early students union days (90’s) and later briefly during my engineering days. Many a time when I would return on holidays to India (and Kashmir) I would be invited to small talks at 3 K.M Marg, where I was called the ‘algaav’vaadi’. Those days I found Geroge Fernandes was one of the few people who wished to get Kashmir resolved, but somehow the political combinations of New Delhi would not allow him to exercise as he wished (at least that is the impression I carried).
In later years, during one such talk Jaya told me about the marriage of her daughter and informally invited me, but I never attended it. Many months (don’t remember how many, or was it years after) after the marriage, this was told to me:

‘The young couple had been invited by Ashok Jaitely to visit Kashmir and stayed at the renovated Papa 2 (now Fairview) residence of the then Chief Secretary (Aditi’s father). Early next morning, after the couple had stayed there, they (especially the groom) reported hearing shrieks and strange cries during the night. Cries of someone in extreme pain, someone crying for life. The period they stayed there, the same cries kept repeating.’ 
Ashok Jaitley was earlier known to have performed some rituals and rites to exorcise the new premises before moving in.

Kashmiris knew this place as one of the many torture centres that consumed many innocents during the turmoil of 90’s. Many of the other interrogation and torture centres were also housed in homes of migrant Pandits, occupied by Indian forces at various locations, where local youngsters would be subject to terrible torture, some of them never returned home.

The place my family lives now in was once a part of a large orchard, occupied by Indian militaries (anti insurgency unit), know for its brutal methods locally. In later years by the end of 90’s they had shifted from here. And it was then that my family purchased part of this orchard, unknown to us its old tales. When we started constructing the new house, there were these big walnut trees on the farthest eastern corner of the orchard. In the winter of our first year, when construction started for the new house, right after autumn had stripped these large tress of all its green, I one day noticed three large iron hangers, looking like broken ‘T’ shaped nails on the largest of these walnut trees, which stood in the centre and under which was once presumably was pitched a fortified enclosure of Indian militaries. It was in mid winter that two local boys, who worked a labourers on our construction site, told me that this was where many locals had been once tortured and often hung upside down on ropes, by these armed militaries. For the next two years that our construction continued we would fear to stray near these walnut trees till late. Much before we started living in the new place these walnut trees had been infected with moth like worms, eating them from inside, as if stuck by some ‘post traumatic stress’ internally. Later even though their new owners felled these trees, I sometimes remember hearing hurried steps in the distance of a silent night. Those few nights were terrible, in that, I would imagine voices of distress from a distance but would be unable to tell about these events to my family. In later years, those voices stopped, as the human complacency tried to cloak all our memories of a painful past, a past that continues to live within us.

All `of these centers, erstwhile fortifications and the unknown existing, must have their own stories of pain and night rendezvous; endings we may never know of. The blank of what happened to all those thousands of young men will stare us in the face forever.

Lahoo naa ho' tou kalaam tar'jumaan nahee hotaa,
Harare dour mai'n aan'suun zubaa'n nahee hotaa.

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